When describing the aim of Sufic life, it has been stated that its goal is to cultivate the “perfect human” (insān-i kāmil). In this respect, there is fundamentally no difference among the various tariqas (Sufi paths/orders). However, it is known that they employ different methods regarding the “means.” In fact, this “variety” is more suitable to human nature itself. For example, the psychology of a Mevlevi lodge may not satisfy everyone, and a Naqshbandi tekke may not suit every temperament. The multiplicity of tariqas is somewhat related to this “temperament.”
Every “path” aims to reach Allah, to attain Allah’s love and riḍā (contentment with God's decree). On this point, there is no difference regarding tawba (repentance), sabr (patient endurance), zuhd (asceticism), tawakkul (reliance upon God), dhikr (remembrance of God), and worship. Nevertheless, each tariqa has its own adab (etiquette), manner, attitude, and even attire. If these common features are addressed collectively here, it will be easier to avoid repetition when providing information about the tariqas later. Another point to note is this: Some of the differences observed among the tariqas here became established five centuries ago, and some at the beginning of this century. Since the history of the tariqa is considered as a whole, it was not deemed necessary to provide these historical details separately.
1. Founding Shaykhs – Every tariqa has a founder, called a pīr. In addition, there are Sufis who have rendered significant services in the historical development of the tariqa. Those who serve the tariqa in a secondary capacity are called pīr-i sānī (the second pīr). In gatherings and supplications, these names are always mentioned. For example, when making a dua (supplication), the person making the dua also includes their own shaykh and his close associates. If these figures have works, they are kept in the tekke’s library. Verses related to the topic also adorn the walls of the tekke. The tomb of the founding shaykh is usually under the same roof as the central tekke of the tariqa, and other tekkes in different regions are administered from there.
2. Adab and Rites – Each tariqa has its own adab (etiquette) and erkan (rites). The rules the shaykh must observe are called adab-i shaykh, while the matters the murīd (aspirant, disciple) must pay attention to are called adab-i murīd.
The ceremonies performed at various stages of Sufic life are also included in adab. There are points to be observed when entering the tariqa, appearing before the shaykh, entering and leaving khalwa (spiritual retreat), eating, sleeping, rising, engaging in dhikr, traveling, etc. Works containing these principles have been written, generally titled “Adab al-murīdīn.”
3. Attire – Over time, a distinctive attire for dervishes developed, and later, each tariqa came to have its own specific attire for its members. This was characterized by the “taj” (headgear) and the “khirqa” (a long, collarless, buttonless cloak resembling an overcoat). By looking at the taj worn by a dervish, it is possible to determine which tariqa he belongs to. This is also true for gravestones.
Although it is a part of Sufic life, the issue of attire is one of the matters to which some Sufis have objected. According to such Sufis, it is not appropriate for a system based on the heart to manifest itself through outward dress. This topic will be addressed in the section on the Malāmatiyya.
4. Dhikr – There is no tariqa without dhikr (remembrance of God). However, some have preferred silent dhikr and have established their adab and rites accordingly; others have set their rules for vocal dhikr. The collective dhikr assembly of the Naqshbandiyya is called Ḥatm-i Khwājagān and is silent. The dhikr of the Mevleviyya is called samāʿ, is vocal, and is performed with music. The dhikr of tariqas such as Qadiriyya, Rifaʿiyya, and Khalwatiyya is also vocal, with some performed sitting and others standing in groups. An inseparable part of these assemblies is the singing of hymns (ilāhī) in composed melodies. Tekke music, an integral part of classical Turkish music, is a product of this atmosphere.
5. Spiritual Journey (Seyr u Sülūk) – The spiritual journey from the beginning to the end of Sufic training is called seyr u sulūk. During this period, in addition to collective dhikrs, the murīd also recites individual dhikrs, called wird. Each tariqa has its own wird, which is recited under the supervision of the shaykh, with the number and timing specified. The abundance of wird is called awrād, and the abundance of dhikr is adhkār.
During seyr u sulūk, all the activities of the murīd are subject to the permission and supervision of the shaykh.
A person may complete seyr u sulūk in more than one tariqa and receive an ijāzatnāme (authorization).
6. Common Culture – It is natural for a common language and culture to develop among professions. In the world of Sufism, there are two main reasons for the “common” attitude: one is the human element, the other is the object, that is, one is the shaykh, the other is the book. All behaviors and actions, supplications and dhikrs related to various aspects of life, from the etiquette of entering and leaving the tekke to funeral ceremonies, are shaped within this framework. The tekke, which developed different expressions and literary styles even for ordinary daily behaviors such as sitting, standing, greeting, and asking permission, spread these through the literature of its members. Many idioms and proverbs used in Turkish today are products of tekke culture. (*) “Aşk olsun, yahu (ya hu), aşığa Bağdat sorulmaz, arif olan anlar, garip kuşun yuvasını Allah yapar, el işte gönül başta, kalpten kalbe yol vardır, kerameti kendinden menkul, bir post bir dost, gündüz külahlı gece dervişli, zuhurata tabi olmak, pir aşkına ...” etc.
7. Ijāzatnāme (Authorization) – Although not present in the earliest centuries, later on—mainly to prevent abuses—it became customary to grant an ijāzatnāme or khilāfatnāme (authorization, diploma) to those who completed Sufic training. These documents also include the silsila (spiritual lineage) of the tariqa. This silsila contains the names of Sufis from the person’s shaykh back to the Prophet Muhammad. The silsilas reach the Prophet through either ʿAlī or Abū Bakr. The terms “ʿAlawī” or “Bakrī” silsila are used in this sense. The ʿAlawī inclination here should not be confused with Alevism, as many Sunni tariqas are ʿAlawī in silsila and inclination.
Although ijāzatnāmes prevented some abuses, they also led to new ones. Especially in tekkes with substantial waqf (endowment) income, the shaykhship sometimes became the subject of unnecessary disputes among some Sufis. Ijāzatnāmes given to unqualified individuals were a cause of these negative developments.
8. Waqf (Endowment) – The waqf is a very widespread institution in our tradition. All institutions are financially dependent on waqfs. The expenses of tekkes were also largely met by waqfs. There were also Sufis who did not accept this method and managed their tekkes through their own labor. Since the tekke provided a service to society, it was natural for it to be supported by such endowments. However, these endowments were generally hereditary, meaning that after the shaykh’s death, his son would succeed him. Since the shaykh and his family resided in the tekke’s property, this method, intended to protect them, was eventually abused and led to the emergence of the problem known as “cradle shaykhship.”
Although there were waqfs established by rulers, tekke waqfs were generally founded by the murīds affiliated with the lodge.
9. Branches and Sub-branches – As noted above, new tariqas emerge from existing ones for various reasons. These may arise from “introducing innovations” or from disputes among murīds. Sometimes, new sub-branches emerge from these branches, some of which flourish while others fade away. For example, today the name of the Cerrahi tariqa is heard in various circles for different reasons. In fact, this “path,” which formed in the 18th century, is not an independent tariqa but a sub-branch of the Ramazaniyya branch of the Khalwatiyya tariqa (further information will be provided below).
Sometimes, a branch may, over time, acquire the status of an independent tariqa. The Celvetiyya can be given as an example. Its founder, Aziz Mahmud Hüdayi, or his shaykh Üftade, was a murīd of Hızır Dede, who was a murīd of Hacı Bayram Veli. Therefore, the Celvetiyya can also be considered a branch of the Bayramiyya.
In terms of the number of branches and sub-branches, the Khalwatiyya ranks first, while the Mevleviyya and Bektashiyya have no branches or sub-branches.
10. Tekke and Zawiya – In the early period, there was no distinctive religious institution outside the mosque. The mosque was the religious center of the Islamic community, as well as the place where scholarly, political, military, and legal matters were discussed. Some consider the Suffa, a section of the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina, as the first madrasa, while others see it as the first tekke.
Over time, institutions called madrasas for scholarly activities and tekkes or zawiyas for ascetics appeared on the historical scene. According to current knowledge, the first tekke was established around 150 AH in a place called Ramla (Lebanon). Later, tekkes spread rapidly, extending both to the Far East and North Africa. Some tekkes, which were initially simple spaces, gradually grew and became institutions that met not only spiritual needs but also provided food, shelter, and other necessities. The emotional bonds formed by tekke members with society brought rich waqf resources to these institutions, and there were many dervishes who cultivated land and served travelers on large estates.
Words such as dergah, khāngāh, ribāṭ, and asitāne are synonymous with tekke, and some tekkes are also named after their tariqa: Mevlevihane, Kadirihane, etc.
The formation of tariqas during the Seljuk period and the effort of each tariqa to establish its own tekke contributed to the proliferation of these institutions. It can be said that tekkes reached their most mature period during the Ottoman era, both in terms of architectural development, expansion of social services, and meeting the needs of society. Although the Ottoman period did not introduce new ideas or syntheses in Sufic thought, after the 13th century, Sufic thought became influential in all aspects of life.
The architectural development of tekkes paralleled material needs and resources. It is normal for central tekkes, which serve as the administrative centers of tariqas, to be larger than others. The most developed architectural style can be seen in Mevlevi tekkes. Mevlevihanes generally consisted of the following sections: semāhāne (hall for the whirling ceremony), tomb, çilehāne (retreat cell), dervish rooms, selāmlık (reception hall), harem (private quarters), kitchen, coffeehouse, cage, matbah (kitchen).
The section of the tekke, usually made of wood, where dhikr is performed and prayers are held, is called tevhidhane or semāhāne. The section called harem, which is the shaykh’s residence, is sometimes located below, adjacent to, or near this mosque section.
Some dervishes reside permanently in the tekke and perform its services; others come to the tekke at certain times of the day or week.
The primary purpose of the tekke’s establishment is related to Sufic training. However, the fact that tekke members come from various professions, or in other words, that people from different backgrounds wish to benefit from the tekke atmosphere, has opened its doors and windows to all aspects of life.
Ottoman sultans—so long as they did not challenge the state—viewed tekkes favorably, encouraged them, and those with a suitable disposition maintained warm relations with them. In addition to the tax exemptions sometimes granted to tekkes, there were also many administrators who built or repaired tekkes.
The futuwwa and ahi organizations, which organized economic life in the Islamic world, also had a close relationship with Sufic thought. The futuwwa manuals, which served as the regulations of these organizations, are difficult to distinguish from a Sufi ethics book. The identification of “ahi zawiyas” in Anatolia in sources since Ibn Battuta is another document of this association. Another noteworthy similarity is between the tekke and the military barracks. Such a close relationship developed between the Bektashi tariqa and the Janissary corps that the army was called the “ocak-ı bektaşiyān,” and its hierarchical order was called the “silsila-i ṭarīq-i bektaşiyān.” When the state abolished the Janissary corps in 1826, it also banned the Bektashi tariqa.
Tekkes have sometimes provided health-related services. These institutions, especially renowned for “treatment by suggestion,” have also occasionally faced injustices. The term “tekke of the destitute” is generally used in a negative sense. However, this institution was nothing more than a “quarantine” center established for lepers. The expressions “archers’ tekke” and “wrestlers’ tekke” are also important in showing the scope and influence of these institutions.
Another group closely related to tekke life is the artists. In Islamic civilization, dergahs have been the patrons and protectors of the fine arts. There is a common point between art and Sufism: the world of feeling. Therefore, the creative nature sought by the tekke is found in the artist, and the psychological environment longed for by the artist is found in the tekke. All the geniuses of our poetry and music have been inspired by the tekke: Yunus was a dervish, as was Dede Efendi. (*)